This Article Abstract Free Full Text (Free PDF) Free Alert me when this article is cited Alert me if a correction is posted Services Email this article to a friend Similar articles in this journal Similar articles in ISI Web of Science Alert me to new issues of the journal Add to Saved Citations Download to citation manager Request Permissions Request Reprints Add to My Marked Citations Citing Articles Citing Articles via Google Scholar Google Scholar Articles by Xie, T. Search for Related Content Social Bookmarking                   What's this?

Congressional Roll Call Voting on China Trade Policy

Northwestern University, Evanston, Illinois

This article analyzes roll call voting on China’s most favored nation (MFN) and permanent normal trade relations (PNTR) status to ascertain interchamber difference and party polarization in China trade policy. In the House, party has the largest impact, with Republicans much more supportive of MFN than Democrats. Ideology has the second largest impact, with conservatives and liberals voting against moderates. In the Senate, party is the sole significant determinant of MFN voting. In House voting on PNTR, ideology has the biggest and party the second biggest impact. The lopsided nature of the Senate PNTR vote indicates that ideology, party, and constituency interests had little or no impact. In both MFN and PNTR voting in the House, constituency economic interests have only marginal effects, and only constituency interests adversely affected by trade with China have significant impact on the PNTR vote. The author concludes by situating the findings in the broad debate about interchamber difference and increasing polarization in Congress.

Key Words: U.S. Congress • roll call voting • China • trade policy • most favored nation status • constituency interest

References

• Adler, E. S. (n.d.). Congressional district data file [Congressional term]. Boulder: University of Colorado, Boulder.
• Alford, W. P. (1994, July 8). Fiasco exposes need for better China policy. Christian Science Monitor, p. 19-19.
• Babcock, C. R. (1997, April 27). "Grass-root" lobbying credited with saving China’s trade status. Washington Post, p. A11-A11.
• Bailey, M., & Brady, D. W. (1998). Heterogeneity and representation: The Senate and free trade. American Journal of Political Science, 42, 524-524 to 544-544.
• Barboza, D. (2005, April 4). Stream of Chinese textile imports is becoming a flood. New York Times, p. C3-C3.
• Behr, P. (1994, April 14). AFL-CIO faults Chinese army’s role in trade. Washington Post, p. D13-D13.
• Birge, E. (1996, May 20). MFN debate unsettles importers and exporters. Journal of Commerce, p. 2C-2C.
• Bond, J., & Fleisher, R. (Eds.). (2000). Polarized politics: The president and the Congress in a partisan era. Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press.
• Bush, R. C. (1995). Domestic political considerations that shape U.S. policy toward China, Hong Kong, and Taiwan. In D. Lampton & A. D. Wilhelm, Jr. (Eds.), United States and China relations at a crossroads (pp. 147-159). Lanham, MD: University Press of America.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1990). Congressional Quarterly weekly report. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1991a). Congressional Quarterly almanac. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1991b). Congressional Quarterly weekly report. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1992). Congressional Quarterly almanac. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1996). Congressional Quarterly weekly report. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (1999). Congressional Quarterly weekly report. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (2000a). Congressional Quarterly almanac. Washington, DC: Author.
• Congressional Quarterly. (2000b). Congressional Quarterly weekly report. Washington, DC: Author.
• Conley, R. S. (1999). Derailing presidential fast-track authority: The impact of constituency pressures and political ideology on trade policy in Congress. Political Research Quarterly, 52, 785-799.
• Connolly, C. (2000, February 18). Labor’s dilemma: Gore and China; Union leaders vow to elect vice president, defeat WTO entry. Washington Post, p. A6-A6.
• Cooper, K. J. (1993, November 18). House approves U.S.-Canada-Mexico trade pact on 234 to 200 vote, giving Clinton big victory; NAFTA splits parties, shuffled politics as administration overtook opponents. Washington Post, p. A1-A1.
• Cox, J. (2000a, May 24). House to back China trade, U.S. business salivating. USA Today, p. 1A-1A.
• Cox, J. (2000b, May 25). CEOs hail passage, while unions vow revenge. USA Today, p. 5A-5A.
• Davidson, R. H., & Oleszek, W. J. (1990). Congress and its members (3rd ed.). Washington, DC: Congressional Quarterly Press.
• Devroy, A. (1997, June 24). Unusual coalition fights China’s trading status; Pressure unlikely to block MFN. Washington Post, p. A7-A7.
• Eilperin, J. (2000, March 21). Electronics lobby focusing on China trade; Campaign targets wavering lawmakers. Washington Post, p. A4-A4.
• Engel, S. T., & Jackson, D. J. (1998). Wielding the stick instead of the carrot: Labor PAC punishment of pro-NAFTA Democrats. Political Research Quarterly, 51, 813-828.
• Gartzke, E., & Wrighton, J. M. (1998). Thinking globally or acting locally? Determinants of the GATT vote in Congress. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 23, 33-55.
• Gibson, M. L. (2000). Conflict amid consensus in American trade policy. Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press.
• Gilbert, C. (1997, June 1). China trade issue created odd allies. Milwaukee Journal of Sentinel, p. 5-5.
• Greenhouse, S. (2000, February 17). A.F.L.-C.I.O. maps a fight against an easing of China trade. New York Times, p. A26-A26.
• Grofman, B., Griffin, R., & Glazer, A. (1991). Is the Senate more liberal than the House? Another look. Legislative Studies Quarterly, 16, 281-295.[CrossRef]
• Harding, H. (1992). A fragile relationship: The United States and China since 1972. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
• Hetherington, M. J. (2001). Resurgent mass partisanship: The role of elite polarization. American Political Science Review, 95, 619-631.[ISI]
• Hirsch, B. T., & Macpherson, D. A. (2003). Union membership and coverage database from the Current Population Survey: Note. Industrial and Labor Relations Review, 56, 349-354.
• House of Representatives. (1996, June 11). United States-China trade relations and renewal of China’s most-favored-nation status. Hearing before the Subcommittee on Trade, Committee on Ways and Means, 104th Congress, 2nd Session.
• House of Representatives. (1999, December 8). China, the WTO, and human rights. Hearing before the Subcommittee of International Operations and Human Rights, Committee on International Relations, 106th Congress, 1st Session.
• Iritani, E., & Lee, D. (2005, September 5). U.S. resumes quotas on China goods; Limits on some textile imports are reimposed after talks fail to produce an accord. Los Angeles Times, p. C1-C1.
• Kahn, J. (2000, May 23). Last-ditch effort by 2 sides to win China trade vote. New York Times, p. A1-A1.
• Kaiser, R. G. (1999, November 21). House Democrats facing a dilemma on China deal; Party striving for unity in election year is split on WTO. Washington Post, p. A10-A10.
• Kaiser, R. G., & Mufson, S. (2000, November 4). U.S. business lobby poised for China trade deal. Washington Post, p. A1-A1.
• Kernell, S. (1973). Is the Senate more liberal than the House? Journal of Politics, 35, 332-366.[CrossRef]
• Lee, G. (1991, July 10). With vote approaching, China hires Hill and Knowlton to lobby for MFN: Firm to concentrate on finding 34 senators who oppose condition. Washington Post, p. A19-A19.
• Maggs, J. (1994, January 6). Clinton plans permanent MFN status for China. Journal of Commerce, p. 1A-1A.
• Maggs, J. (1997, May 20). Clinton to renew MFN for China; Congressional debate expected to be tough. Journal of Commerce, p. 1A-1A.
• Mann, J. (1999). About face: A history of America’s curious relationship with China, from Nixon to Clinton. New York: Knopf.
• Nokken, T. (2003). The ideological ends against the middle: House roll call votes on normal trade relation status for China, 1990-2000. Congress and the Presidency, 30, 153-170.
• O’Halloran, S. (1994). Politics, process, and American trade policy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
• Pressman, J. L. (1966). House vs. Senate: Conflict in the appropriations process. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press.
• Public Papers of the Presidents. (1993, May 28). Statement on most-favored-nation trade status for China. Retrieved December 14, 2005, from http://www.gpoaccess.gov/pubpapers/
• Public Papers of the Presidents. (1996, May 20). Remarks to the Pacific Basin Economic Council. Retrieved December 12, 2005, from http://www.gpoaccess.gov/pubpapers/
• Roberts, J. M., & Smith S. S. (2003). Procedural contexts, party strategy, and conditional party voting in the U.S. House of Representatives, 1971-2000. American Journal of Political Science, 47, 305-317.[CrossRef]
• Rohde, D. W. (1991). Parties and leaders in the postreform House. Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
• Rosin, H., & Mufson S. (2000, May 2). Religious groups urge rejection of China bill. Washington Post, p. A8-A8.
• Scott, R. E. (2005). U.S.-China Trade, 1989-2003: Impact on jobs nationally and state by state [PDF file]. Washington, DC: Economic Policy Institute.
• Shorrock, T. (1994, April 14). AFL-CIO chief blasts firms doing business with China. Journal of Commerce, p. 6A-6A.
• Shorrock, T. (1996, January 25). AFL-CIO plans to fight bill giving China MFN status. Journal of Commerce, p. 2A-2A.
• Smith, C. S. (2000, May 2). Wined, dined, wooed on trade: Just 2 lawmakers travel to China. New York Times, p. A1-A1.
• Southerland, D. (1992, October 23). Business leaders to urge Clinton to reverse stance on China trade. Washington Post, p. B1-B1.
• Southerland, D. (1993, April 14). China purchases nearly $1 billion in U.S. goods; Recent buying spree termed a bid to preserve trade status. Washington Post, p. A23-A23.
• Suettinger, R. (2003). Beyond Tiananmen: The politics of U.S.-China relations, 1989-2000. Washington, DC: Brookings Institution.
• Sun, L. H. (1991, June 26). China warns U.S. against ending MFN; Boeing would lose plane sales, Li says. Washington Post, p. A9-A9.
• Weisskopf, M. (1993, June 14). Backbone of the new China lobby: U.S. firms. Washington Post, p. A1-A1.
• Willkie, W. L., II. (1994). Why does MFN dominate America’s China policy? In J. R. Lilley & W. L. Willkie, II (Eds.), Beyond MFN: Trade with China and American interests (pp. 114-137). Washington, DC: American Enterprise Institute.
• Wink, K. A., Livingston, C. D., & Garand, J. C. (1996). Dispositions, constituencies, and cross-pressure: Modeling roll-call voting on the North America Free Trade Agreement in the U.S. House. Political Research Quarterly, 49, 749-770.
• Xie, X. (1993). Congressional voting and foreign policy: Domestic factors in Sino-U.S. relations, 1949-1990. Unpublished dissertation, University of Oregon, Eugene.
• Yang, J. (2000). Congress and US China policy, 1989-1999. Huntington, NY: Nova Science Publishers.
• Zakaria, F. (2005, May 9). Special report: China’s century. Newsweek, pp. 28-41.
• Zeng, K. (2004). Trade threats, trade wars: Bargaining, retaliation, and American coercive diplomacy. Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press.
• Zhang, D. (1995). Leadership or followership: A combative Congress after Tiananmen. Unpublished doctoral dissertation, University of Missouri, Columbia.

CiteULike

Connotea

Del.icio.us

Digg

Reddit

Technorati

This Article Abstract Free Full Text (Free PDF) Free Alert me when this article is cited Alert me if a correction is posted Services Email this article to a friend Similar articles in this journal Similar articles in ISI Web of Science Alert me to new issues of the journal Add to Saved Citations Download to citation manager Request Permissions Request Reprints Add to My Marked Citations Citing Articles Citing Articles via Google Scholar Google Scholar Articles by Xie, T. Search for Related Content Social Bookmarking                   What's this?